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Yachts for Sale 30m

Welcome to our curated selection of yachts, sorted by size. Explore our collection of vessels approximately 30m in length. Each listing offers a unique opportunity to discover the perfect vessel tailored to your specific needs and preferences. Can’t find what you are looking for? Get in touch with a member of the team to pair you up with your ideal vessel.

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SOVEREIGN

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SOVEREIGN , yacht for sale

2025 Lazzara UHV 100

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Dinaia SAN LORENZO SL 106

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Dinaia SAN LORENZO SL 106 , yacht for sale

FANCY

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FANCY , yacht for sale

Tribale 95

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Tribale 95 , yacht for sale

New Arrival

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New Arrival , yacht for sale

Posillipo Technema 90

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Posillipo Technema 90 , yacht for sale

LONG TENG

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LONG TENG , yacht for sale

JOHNSON 92 FLYBRIDGE

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JOHNSON 92 FLYBRIDGE , yacht for sale

EVERYTHING GOOD

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EVERYTHING GOOD , yacht for sale

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Princess 30M Yachts

Princess 30M for Sale

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Princess 30M For Sale

Our website offers a wide selection of Princess 30M yachts for sale.

Our website offers a wide selection of Princess 30M Yachts for sale.

The 30M Princess is one of the finest yachts ever delivered by the British yard. The highly popular M Class was the pinnacle of Princess Yachts’ craftsmanship, focusing exclusively on larger high-quality vessels. The yachts offer an extensive flybridge, a wide bow lounge as well as an impressive swim platform. The interior comes with 5 luxury suites, ideal to accommodate up to 10 guests in luxury.

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PRINCESS M 395123

SPIRIT OF ELIJAH

UPON REQUEST 305997

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For aspiring yacht owners looking for a luxury yacht for sale, we have put together a fine selection of luxury yachts and megayachts for sale from all over the world. Search BOAT International's collection of superyachts for sale and filter by type, length, asking price or age. Narrow the results by selecting specific features, or browse by speed, designer and much more.

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Search for everything from motor yachts for sale from renowned Dutch yards including Feadship and Heesen , premium Italian names including Azimut , Sanlorenzo and Benetti , popular British builders Sunseeker and Princess , and American megayachts for sale from US yards such as Westport .

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Azimut Magellano 30M Yacht for Sale

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Princess 30M

Immerse yourself in one of the most luxurious raised pilothouse yachts in the world. Her purposeful, distinctive design is yours to define through a world of craftsmanship. The flybridge is invitingly vast accommodating sun loungers, sofas, dining area, a wet bar and even a spa bath should you wish. The Princess Design Studio is on hand to capture the very essence of your interior design ambition. And with class-leading interior volume, you’ll have all the space possible to realise it. The handcrafted finish throughout is prestigious. And your guests are cossetted with a choice of three or four beautifully appointed en suite cabins to choose from.

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  • Twin MTU 12V 2000 M96L (2 x 1,947 mhp) Speed range: 20-22 knots†
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Iconic 'little blue boat' that calls Montrose Bay home up for sale after family makes tough decision

For almost 50 years a little blue boat has been moored on the River Derwent in Hobart's northern suburbs by the side of a busy highway.

It is known affectionately by many Tasmanians as "the little blue boat", and has floated alone next to the Brooker Highway at Montrose Bay over the decades.

Sea Breeze, its official name, was built by Robin Attrill in his Montrose backyard in the early 1970s.

His son Colin Attrill said the boat was launched at Macquarie Wharf in 1976.

"It's been on the mooring in Montrose Bay ever since, and that's why it's such an iconic little blue boat," he said.

an old photo of a small boat being launched into the water with a crane

Tasmanians curious about 'little blue boat'

The boat is an object of fascination for Brooker Highway motorists and foreshore walkers due to it seemingly never moving.

Colin Attrill said it was "absolutely amazing" the number of people who would stop and talk to him about the boat when he was launching the dinghy to go and check on it.

"The number of people that talk to me that are walking past and go 'that boat has been there forever' and 'it was there when I was going to school or every day when I've been driving to work'," he said.

"Some people say they've never seen it move. Well it used to move all the time.

"Of late it's slowed up, we're all busy and dad has slowed up. We lost mum and once that happened it impacted on family activities."

two men, one on a mobility scooter, are on a boardwalk with water and a small boat behind them

Tough decision to sell

Its owner is now 91 and the boat has not been sailed for about 10 years.

Colin Attrill said the family had recently made the tough decision to try to sell the boat.

"Dad isn't well and he's gotten old, which we all do, and the boat's got old," he said.

"Anyone who knows about a timber boat knows that they need maintenance."

a picture of a scrap book with photos of a boat and cursive writing

Mr Attrill said the family used to put the boat on the slip at least once a year to clean and antifoul it, and do any repairs.

"But the past few years Dad has been unable to do anything, and the boat unfortunately has just sat on the mooring," he said.

He said the family decided it was time for the boat to have a new owner.

"Nobody is using it, it needs a new owner who will give it the time and get the enjoyment out of it that we had growing up," he said.

"It's a great boat, and there are many years left. Wooden boats just last."

two men are on a boardwalk looking at the water. one is on a mobility scooter

'Next phase' for the boat

The Attrill family is full of passionate sailors and Robin's brother Peter represented Australia in sailing at the Helsinki Olympics in 1952 — Tasmania's fifth Olympian and the first to represent the state in sailing.

When Robin finished building the 25-foot river cruiser, known by the family as The Breeze, it was used for trips away around Hobart.

"We used to have family trips down the channel, down to Cygnet, down to Dover, and all places in between fishing and weekends away," he said.

"We also used to go to events in Hobart like the Hobart Regatta, the Sandy Bay Regatta. We'd be down the river at any chance, or up the river. She made it to New Norfolk a couple of times.

"The boat was all over the place, wherever we could."

a black and white photo of a little boat in sail on a river

Mr Attrill said it would be a sad day when the boat left Montrose Bay after almost 50 years.

"We will see where it goes and where it ends up and what's the next phase for the boat," he said.

Over the years its owner has been keeping a watchful eye on it just a matter of metres away, across the Brooker Highway from his Montrose home of more than 70 years.

"He's always been there. He'd open the blinds in the morning in the kitchen and look out the window and there's the boat," son Colin said.

"It's always been a part of his life."

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Trump Spurned by 30 Companies as He Seeks Bond in $454 Million Judgment

Donald J. Trump’s lawyers said in a court filing that he faces “insurmountable difficulties” as he tries to raise cash for the civil fraud penalty he faces in New York.

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Donald Trump in a navy suit and blue tie stands behind a barricade in a court hallway.

By Ben Protess ,  Maggie Haberman and Kate Christobek

Donald J. Trump’s lawyers disclosed on Monday that he had failed to secure a roughly half-billion dollar bond in his civil fraud case in New York, raising the prospect that the state could seek to freeze some of his bank accounts and seize some of his marquee properties.

The court filing, coming one week before the bond is due, suggested that the former president might soon face a financial crisis unless an appeals court comes to his rescue.

Mr. Trump has asked the appeals court to pause the $454 million judgment that a New York judge imposed on Mr. Trump in the fraud case last month, or accept a bond of only $100 million. Otherwise, the New York attorney general’s office, which brought the case, might soon move to collect from Mr. Trump.

Still, even if the higher court rejects his appeal, Mr. Trump is not entirely out of options . He might appeal to the state’s highest court, quickly sell an asset or seek help from a wealthy supporter.

Mr. Trump’s team has also left the door open to exploring a bankruptcy for corporate entities implicated in the case, according to people with knowledge of the discussions. That option, however, is politically fraught during a presidential race in which he is the presumptive Republican nominee, and for now it appears unlikely.

The judge in the civil fraud case, Arthur F. Engoron , levied the $454 million penalty and other punishments after concluding that Mr. Trump had fraudulently inflated his net worth to obtain favorable loans and other benefits. The case, brought by the New York attorney general, Letitia James, has posed a grave financial threat to Mr. Trump.

The former president has been unable to secure the full bond, his lawyers said in the court filing on Monday, calling it a “practical impossibility” despite “diligent efforts.” Those efforts included approaching about 30 companies that provide appeal bonds, and yet, the lawyers said, he has encountered “insurmountable difficulties.”

The company providing the bond would essentially promise to cover Mr. Trump’s judgment if he lost an appeal and failed to pay. In exchange, he would pledge cash and other liquid assets as collateral, and he would pay the company a fee as high as $20 million.

But Mr. Trump does not have enough liquidity to obtain the bond. The company would require Mr. Trump to pledge more than $550 million in cash and securities as collateral — a sum he simply does not have.

Although the former president boasts of his billions, his net worth is derived largely from the value of his real estate, which bond companies rarely accept as collateral. Mr. Trump has more than $350 million in cash , a recent New York Times analysis found, far short of what he needs.

He might have to post an appeal bond worth more than $454 million — possibly above $500 million, to reflect the interest he will owe — in order to prevent Ms. James from seizing his assets on March 25.

Under the law, Ms. James could have moved to collect from Mr. Trump as soon as Justice Engoron ruled, but she offered a 30-day grace period, until March 25. It is unclear whether she will provide Mr. Trump extra time or if she will move swiftly to collect. Nor is it clear whether the appellate court will rule on his plea for help before the deadline.

Mr. Trump could also seek to appeal to New York’s highest court, and it is unclear whether Ms. James will hold off on the seizure while he pursues that route.

A spokeswoman for Ms. James did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Mr. Trump has denied all wrongdoing and claimed that Ms. James and Justice Engoron, both Democrats, are out to get him.

“This is a motion to stay the unjust, unconstitutional, un-American judgment from New York Judge Arthur Engoron in a political witch hunt brought by a corrupt attorney general,” Steven Cheung, a spokesman for Mr. Trump’s campaign, said in a statement. “A bond of this size would be an abuse of the law, contradict bedrock principles of our republic, and fundamentally undermine the rule of law in New York.”

The looming deadline could not come at a worse time for Mr. Trump. He also faces four criminal indictments, including one in Manhattan that is tentatively set for trial in mid-April.

And just last week he finalized a $91.6 million bond in a defamation case he recently lost to the writer E. Jean Carroll, a costly deal that drained him of precious cash.

Mr. Trump, who obtained that bond from the insurance giant Chubb, pledged an investment account at Charles Schwab as collateral, records show. He most likely pledged more than $100 million in cash and stocks and bonds that he could sell in a hurry — investments that are now no longer available for him to use in the civil fraud case.

A nearly $500 million bond, Mr. Trump’s lawyers wrote on Monday, “is unprecedented for a private company.”

Yet Mr. Trump’s legal team “devoted a substantial amount of time, money, and effort” to finding one, according to a court filing by Alan Garten, the top lawyer at Mr. Trump’s family business.

Using four separate brokers, the lawyers approached more than two dozen companies that provide appellate bonds, including Chubb and Berkshire Hathaway, the conglomerate run for decades by Warren E. Buffett, Mr. Garten said. He added that most of the companies were either unable or unwilling to handle a bond of this size, and that none were willing to accept property as collateral.

Their best bet appeared to be Chubb, but within the past week, Chubb notified Mr. Trump’s lawyers that it, too, could not accept property as collateral.

“This presents a major obstacle,” Mr. Garten wrote.

Mr. Trump’s company has not ruled out the possibility of having the corporate entities declare bankruptcy, the people with knowledge of the discussions said. That move would automatically halt the judgment against those entities and prevent Ms. James from seizing some of the former president’s properties.

But Mr. Trump, scarred from an experience in the 1990s when some of his companies filed for bankruptcy, is likely to balk at a filing.

And even if he supported it, bankruptcy — which Mr. Trump used to describe derisively as “the b-word” — might not be a cure-all, legal experts said. Seeking court protection could trigger defaults in loans he holds, and would most likely set off litigation over whether Mr. Trump is still responsible to pay his company’s debts.

Mr. Trump’s lawyers on Monday also submitted a filing from one of his insurance brokers, Gary Giulietti, who said his team had for several weeks been “scouring the market” for a bond.

“Simply put, a bond of this size is rarely, if ever, seen,” he wrote.

Mr. Giulietti, who testified as an expert witness at the trial, also occasionally golfs and dines with Mr. Trump.

In his decision, Justice Engoron criticized his testimony, saying that in more than 20 years on the bench, he had never encountered an expert witness who “not only was a close personal friend of a party, but also had a personal financial interest in the outcome of the case.”

Ben Protess is an investigative reporter at The Times, writing about public corruption. He has been covering the various criminal investigations into former President Trump and his allies. More about Ben Protess

Maggie Haberman is a senior political correspondent reporting on the 2024 presidential campaign, down ballot races across the country and the investigations into former President Donald J. Trump. More about Maggie Haberman

House TikTok bill gives ByteDance 6 months to sell. That’s unlikely.

A deal probably would be too complicated and costly for such a short time frame, experts say. opponents of the bill say that means the app would probably be banned under the legislation..

A forced sale of TikTok within 180 days, as House-passed legislation requires, would be one of the thorniest and most complicated transactions in corporate history, posing financial, technical and geopolitical challenges that experts said could render a sale impractical and increase the likelihood the app will be banned nationwide.

The bill, which President Biden has said he would sign , raced through the House but faces a slow-walk in the Senate and constitutional challenges in the courts . Yet financial experts say the complex legislative process targeting the video app, which is owned by the China-based internet giant ByteDance, may end up being easier than any subsequent transaction.

A sale would require severing a company worth potentially $150 billion from its technical backbone while being the subject of legal challenges and resistance from China, which has pledged to block any deal.

While the bill’s supporters have argued that it’s not a ban, the practical difficulties would raise the chance TikTok would fail to meet the six-month divestiture deadline — after which, it could be blocked for its 170 million users nationwide.

“As we would say in the business, the amount of hair on the transaction is so extreme,” said Lee Edwards, a former mergers and acquisitions partner at the law firm Shearman & Sterling, using a term of art for a complicated deal with uncertain prospects.

To complete a deal of this size and complexity in half a year, including passing any regulatory review that might be required in countries around the world, would be “extraordinarily fast and aggressive,” he added. Any buyer would need to devote “huge amounts of management and strategic planning resources … with a high risk of failure.”

TikTok, one of the world’s most popular apps, would probably sell for more than $100 billion, according to one financial analyst’s estimate. And that may be low: TikTok made $16 billion in sales in the United States last year, the Financial Times reported — a revenue figure that could value the company at up to $150 billion.

That price tag would put it in a realm few buyers could touch and set a new milestone for Big Tech acquisitions. But a purchase by a rival tech giant would probably face heavy antitrust scrutiny in the United States and in countries around the world, which would slow the process, if not stop it altogether.

“There is a very short list of bidders here,” said David Locala, the former head of global technology mergers and acquisitions at Citi, the American multinational investment bank. U.S. regulators may “have to pick their poison: Do they want U.S. ownership of TikTok, or do they want one or more of the Big Tech companies to get even bigger?”

At a $100 billion purchase price, TikTok would rank among the biggest merger-and-acquisition deals in history, probably adding to the complexity and time demands. AOL’s merger with Time Warner in 2000, for $182 billion, took roughly a year to finalize.

Elon Musk’s purchase of Twitter, for $44 billion in 2022, took about six months to close — and that was a sale Twitter’s board desperately wanted . Facebook’s $19 billion acquisition of WhatsApp in 2014, which Forbes said was “hashed out in [chief] Mark Zuckerberg’s house over the course of a few days … and sealed over a bottle of Johnnie Walker scotch,” nevertheless took seven months to close once all the regulatory hoops were cleared.

Nevertheless, the potential to own a crown jewel of the internet has spurred wealthy suitors into action. Former treasury secretary Steven Mnuchin, who runs a private equity firm that the New York Times reported in 2022 had secured hundreds of millions of dollars in commitments from Saudi Arabia and other foreign funds, told CNBC last week that he was assembling a group of investors hoping to buy TikTok.

TikTok’s possible ban

30 m yacht for sale

As Treasury chief, Mnuchin urged former president Donald Trump in 2020 to push for a forced sale of TikTok. Trump’s effort, during which he demanded that the United States receive a “ very large ” cut of the sale proceeds, was later halted in court. Mnuchin declined to give details on the group’s investors or the sources of their funds.

Bobby Kotick , the former chief of video game giant Activision Blizzard, and Kevin O’Leary , the Canadian investor from the TV show “Shark Tank,” have both expressed interest in a TikTok deal. But they may not have the money to seriously pursue a takeover, and pooling their funds as part of an investment consortium would present its own headaches, Locala said. (Microsoft bought Activision Blizzard last year for $69 billion; that deal didn’t close for 633 days after it was announced.)

With consortia, “you never know whether somebody is really in or not until the end in those things,” Locala said. “The more parties you introduce to it, [the more] it just gets unwieldy to be able to make any progress.”

Even beyond the “eye-popping” price tag, a TikTok sale probably would be subject to a set of “aggressive legal challenges” that could further run down the clock, Wedbush Securities research analyst Dan Ives said in a note to investors.

“Detaching the algorithm from ByteDance would be a very complex process,” Ives said. China and ByteDance “will never allow the source code to be sold to a U.S. tech company in our view, which makes this all a spiderweb issue for any potential strategic buyer.”

China said last year that it would strongly oppose any forced sale of TikTok, and its foreign ministry spokesperson, Wang Wenbin, said the House bill was built on “robber’s logic” around a valuable asset.

After Trump pushed to force TikTok’s sale in 2020, China added recommendation algorithms — the nerve center of TikTok’s video feed — onto its export-control list, mandating that any sale be subject to government approval. The United States uses similar export controls to limit what technology can be sold to China and other countries.

Liu Pengyu, a spokesperson for the Chinese Embassy in Washington, said in a statement that a forced sale would contradict “the principle of fair competition and norms of international trade.”

“It is unfair to use national security as a pretext to bring down successful companies of other countries,” Liu said. “It is wrong to try all means to snatch from others the good things that they have.”

A Biden official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe internal thinking, said the administration’s goal was for TikTok to be divested, not banned, for the sake of American national security. The official accused China of calling for an absurd double standard, given its years-old policy of blocking foreign social media apps.

A forced sale of TikTok also raises the specter of retaliation against U.S. companies in China, with Beijing having taken a tit-for-tat approach in the past. Some major American-owned businesses, such as Apple, derive a large share of their revenue from China.

Top-level U.S.-China diplomacy has at times shaken free deals that had seemed hopeless, including China’s acquiescing to chip maker Broadcom’s purchase of cloud computing company VMware in November, shortly after Biden met in California with China’s leader, Xi Jinping.

Beijing had claimed regulatory authority in the deal, even though both companies are headquartered in the United States. But they also do robust business in China, and in the current tense diplomatic environment, “everybody was thinking the deal was going to get blocked,” Locala said. (It’s unclear why China relented, though some suspect the Biden-Xi meeting played a role.)

The forced sale of TikTok, though, would be a harder pill for Beijing officials to swallow. China probably would balk at allowing the United States to dictate what happens to one of its trophy companies, said Paul Triolo, a technology policy lead at the Washington-based business consulting firm Albright Stonebridge Group who specializes in Chinese business and economics.

“Beijing will object in principle to both the political circus it sees in Washington over the TikTok issue and to any forced divestiture which involves a company … being pressured entirely based on its China links,” Triolo said.

The ByteDance technology that powers TikTok, he said, “is a critical piece of intellectual property for the company, and again Beijing would object to the precedent a forced divestiture involving AI algorithms could set.”

There is recent precedent for a forced sale. In 2019, the United States demanded that a China-based tech company reverse its purchase of the LGBTQ+ dating app Grindr due to federal officials’ concerns over its data on American users, including military service members. The company, Kunlun Tech, sold the app for $608 million to a U.S.-based investment group, San Vicente Acquisition, which has since taken it public. But the sale took a year to arrange.

And that deal was a fraction of the size of any likely TikTok divestiture: Grindr at the time had 13 million global users, compared with TikTok’s 170 million in the United States alone, and sold for less than 1 percent of TikTok’s expected sale price. That deal required merely undoing an acquisition, rather than carving off a business from its longtime ownership.

TikTok saw numerous suitors for a complete or partial acquisition in 2020, including Microsoft, Walmart and Oracle. Those companies might show interest again, especially given that TikTok’s U.S. user base has nearly doubled in the last four years.

Oracle already has a working relationship with TikTok, first negotiated under lobbying by Mnuchin in 2020, as its “trusted technology partner,” housing its U.S. user data and conducting algorithm reviews. Oracle’s home state is also the namesake of TikTok’s Project Texas proposal, a $1.5 billion plan the company submitted to regulators in 2022 in hopes of satisfying U.S. national security concerns.

Representatives from Oracle, Microsoft and Walmart did not respond to requests for comment.

It’s unclear what ByteDance intends to do, or if it’s made any preparations for such a divestiture demand after years of regulatory pressure in Washington. TikTok’s chief executive, Shou Zi Chew, said after the House vote that the company would exercise its “legal rights” to block the bill.

ByteDance says it is 60 percent owned by big international investors, including the U.S. investment firms Susquehanna Investment Group and General Atlantic , some of whom could push to use that stake to gain control of a TikTok spinoff. The other 40 percent is split between ByteDance’s Chinese founders and its 150,000 employees, thousands of whom are Americans.

Any of them might pursue their own actions against being coerced to sell off a stake in the company’s biggest global success story. Without a complete buyout of Chinese shareholders, federal authorities — such as the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, or CFIUS, which has been negotiating with TikTok for years — could still push for further scrutiny of whether the deal goes far enough.

It’s also unclear how a sale would split up TikTok’s offices and workforces. The company employs 7,000 in the United States, runs two global headquarters in Los Angeles and Singapore and staffs nine other offices around the world, including in New York, London, Paris, Jakarta and Tokyo. (None of the offices are in China, where ByteDance is based.)

If the bill quickly cleared the Senate, the 180-day sale window could conclude just before the 2024 presidential election, potentially raising questions over how its new owner might change the app’s rules and inner workings for its own political benefit.

But if TikTok isn’t sold, the federal government could work to block the platform by exerting pressure on Apple, Google and other tech companies who run the app stores, cloud-computing and web-hosting services that power and distribute it.

That process could be easily circumvented through loopholes and workarounds, said Bruce Schneier, a security technologist and Harvard Kennedy School lecturer who reviewed the possible outcomes last year.

A more effective blanket ban, he said , “would necessitate a national firewall, like the one China currently has, to spy on and censor Americans’ access to the internet.”

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